FROM
THE presidency to prison. Has this become the new normal in the dynamics of
political power?
Three
stories in a single broadcast of BBC News one night made it appear conclusively
so. Merely chanced upon though, while surfing channels in Room 24-02 of Berjaya
Times Square Hotel in Kuala Lumpur last Friday.
One.
Brazil’s top court turned down the preventative
habeas corpus request of the charismatic former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva to stave off a 12-year jail sentence while he appealed
a corruption conviction last July.
After holing himself in the
ABC
Steelworkers Union building surrounded by
his supporters and resulting to a standoff, Lula turned himself to the federal
police Saturday.
Two. Forced out of office
only last February, South Africa’s former President Jacob Zuma has been haled
to court on a 16-count charge of corruption, racketeering, fraud and
money laundering rising out of a 1990 arms deal. He faces a stiff prison
sentence when, not if – as some analysts projected – convicted.
Three. Found guilty
of charges including bribery, coercion and abuse of power, former South Korean President
Park Geun-hye was handed a 24-year sentence – for the 66-year-old, effectively
for the rest of her life.
The daughter of the assassinated former President Park Chung Hee
holds the honor of being her country’s first female leader, as well as the
infamy of being first president to be impeached from office.
Lula in Latin America. Zuma in Africa. Park in Asia. The
universality of the corruptive essence in power all too manifest there. Yeah,
Lord Acton to the dot. Power tends to corrupt. Absolute power corrupts
absolutely.
From the pinnacle of political power to the abysmal shame of
prison. But it was not always like this. As a matter of course, It used to be
even the reverse of this.
South Africa’s Nelson Mandela spent the greater part of his
adult life in prison before claiming his destiny to stand as his country’s
first black president, and the first elected in the post-apartheid fully
democratic state.
As dissidents, Vaclav Havel and Lech Walesa underwent multiple
prison stays before rising to the presidency of their countries, post-Soviet
Czech Republic and Poland, respectively.
Mandela. Havel. Walesa. Not an iota of shame, but all integrity,
courage, and honor of the highest order obtained in their
prison-before-the-presidency route. The
very antithesis to the Lula, Zuma, Park way.
The latter three though
can find some soothing consolation, indeed, a working template for extrication
– redemption is too noble for application here – in contemporary Filipino
political experience.
Joseph Ejercito Estrada
was ousted from the presidency through a people’s revolt in 2001; charged,
tried and convicted for plunder; and sent to prison – okay, confined to his
farm in the mountains of Rizal province. And then pardoned by his successor
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo in 2007.
In the 2010 presidential
elections, the convicted plunderer Estrada came close to winning back the
presidency, landing second to eventual winner BS Aquino III. He has since sat
as duly elected Manila mayor.
Tells you as much of
Erap’s charm – no, charisma is too sacred a word to apply here – as to the
gullibility – no, idiocy is too strong a word – of the Filipino voters.
In turn, Macapagal-Arroyo
was charged with plunder for allegedly diverting P366 million in
Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office intelligence funds intended for charity
use for her personal gain during her term as president.
Even as she won the
Pampanga 2nd district congressional seat after stepping down from Malacanang,
and re-elected to the House in 2013, GMA spent most of her first two terms on
hospital arrest at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center. She was released
within the first month of Rodrigo Duterte’s assumption of the presidency, the
Supreme Court on a 11-4 vote junking the plunder case and is now on her third
and final term as congresswoman.
Only in the Philippines?
For the disgraced
presidents, there’s no harm in trying. Absolutely. As in power and its
concomitant corruption.
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