IT COULD not have transitioned to anywhere else. All
that presidential blabber about dismantling the oligarchy naturally flowing to
a confluence with the current of dynasties, political, as a matter of course.
Postulated Sen. Franklin Drilon: “The lack of an
anti-dynasty system or provision in our system would allow oligarchy to
continue... Oligarchy is bad for our governance, and therefore, as a policy,
yes, we should adopt policies to prevent or dismantle these oligarchies.”
If only to impress the imperative of the task at
hand, Drilon expressed willingness to cross political lines “to sit down with
whoever the administration designates to work on and examine all laws,
especially in governance, in order that the opportunity for oligarchy will be
removed or minimized.”
Emphasizing: “One of those is the lack of
anti-dynasty law.”
Anti-dynasty law. So, how many times has this been
pushed in Congress, only to be pulled out, if not fall by the wayside, at each
try?
Here’s a take nearly seven years ago, Nov. 25, 2013
to be exact, in this same corner – A voice most ungodly:
“TODAY
IS a historic moment, if only because for the first time, this was approved at
the committee level.”
So declared Bayan Muna party-list Rep.
Neri Colmenares of Nov. 20, 2013, the day the Anti-Political Dynasty Bill
(APDB) was approved – unanimously – by the House committee on suffrage and
electoral reforms.
A consolidation of three bills, the
approved measure seeks to prohibit relatives up to the second degree of
consanguinity to hold or run for both national and local office in
"successive, simultaneous, or overlapping terms."
It also provides for the
Commission on Elections to decide through lottery who in the clan would be
permitted to run in the election in case none of the candidates in the same
family refuses to withdraw.
The first attempt to legislate a
solution to what has been deemed the scourge of Philippine politics was 18
years ago, a fact all too clear to those who are now ecstatic over the passage
of the bill, if only at the committee level.
"The State shall
guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit
political dynasties as may be defined by law." So, it is enshrined in
Article II Section 26 of the 1987 Constitution.
All attempts to just cobble an
enabling law, aborted at their very conception, the legislative bodies as much
dynastic in their composition as the other layers of government.
So, what difference will it make this
time?
"Power, both economic and
political should not be held by just a few. We need to give a chance to others
who are equally capable but do not have the opportunity."
Estrada
So spake eloquently Senator JV
Ejercito, author of the Senate version of the APDB, his motives readily suspect
given his being a dynast himself: son of the deposed, convicted, pardoned
President Joseph Estrada, now mayor of Manila, and former actress Guia Gomez,
now mayor of San Juan; half-brother to Senator Jinggoy Estrada and uncle to the
latter’s daughter, San Juan Councilor Janella Ejercito Estrada; cousin to
Laguna Governor ER Ejercito and Quezon Province Board Member Gary Estrada.
Matter-of-factly thus, JV
conceded that passing an anti-political dynasty law "may not be an
easy legislative task."
"I'd like to make a stand as me
because I'm after all the leader of everybody here and I want to be as hands
off as possible and not try to push anybody. I'm in favor of it...I'm in favor
of it if only because the Constitution says it."
Circuitous locution on the APDB there
from House Speaker Feliciano Belmonte Jr. constrained as he is with a dynasty
of his own: only daughter Josefina aka Joy is the incumbent vice mayor of
Quezon City, nephew Jose Christopher aka Kit is the city’s 6th district
representative.
"I want to put it on record that
if there's, let's say, a situation where it's either she or me, I will yield...Let
the youth take over.”
That situation’s long time passing,
Sir.
"I believe (APDB) will
experience rough sailing but you know, Rome wasn't built in a day. We have
already put up a big stone. It already passed in the committee level and I
think that is something to be happy about but it's still a long way."
Belmonte dishing out a consuelo
de bobo.
Binay
Senator Nancy Binay though takes to a
different application of the anti-dynasty measure. Rather than family
members in elective positions – being there by the sovereign will of the people
and divine grace, it is those in appointive positions – merely serving at the
pleasure of the powers-that-be, that should be subjected to the anti-dynasty
scrutiny.
Binay says: “Dapat mas
bantayan natin yung appointing members of one family in key and high positions
of government." A not-so-cloaked reference to the Abads in positions
of power -- Budget Secretary Butch Abad whose daughter Julia is head of the
Presidential Management Staff. Not to mention his wife, Henedina representing
the lone district of tiny Batanes but reportedly getting more priority
development assistance funds than House Speaker Belmonte.
No hypocritical civility but
in-your-face bluntness becomes Binay when, invoking the supreme law of the
land, she argued the APDB "may limit what the Constitution says about
who can run.”
Articulating thus: “…if the person is
elected then that is already the voice of the people. And what is the
constitution about but the voice of the people. So why deprive the people of their
voice."
And went a step higher to lay her
case before the supreme being: “It may also go against the principle of vox
populi, vox Dei.”
The voice of Makati, most precisely,
given the premier city’s being a Binay fiefdom since the Marcos ouster,
breeding the current Vice President of the Philippines who was many times city
mayor, his wife who was once mayor, his son who is current mayor, his other
daughter who is representative of the city’s second district and this senator
daughter.
Ganyan sila sa Makati, ganyan
din sa buong Pilipinas.
A matter of vox Makatii, vox
dei there to me. As the voice of the people Binay referred to may
well be the voice – not of God – but of their gods. Their god of goons, their
lord of numbers, their lord of celluloid illusion, at one time their glorious
goddess of the tapes, and of currency, the almighty epal.
Hear then this caveat all the way out of the 8th century from the English scholar and theologian Alcuin: “And those people should not be listened to who keep saying the voice of the people is the voice of God, since the riotousness of the crowd is always very close to madness.”
Yeah, most fitting to the Philippine praxis of democrazy.
Hear then this caveat all the way out of the 8th century from the English scholar and theologian Alcuin: “And those people should not be listened to who keep saying the voice of the people is the voice of God, since the riotousness of the crowd is always very close to madness.”
Yeah, most fitting to the Philippine praxis of democrazy.
INDEED,
SO how fare today the dynasts referenced in this piece?
Not
one of the Estradas survived the elections of 2019, losing even the family’s political
heirloom that was San Juan.
The
Abads long wiped out too, coterminous as they were with their patron, the BS
Aquino III.
The
Belmontes still have Joy in QC and Kit in the House.
Of
the Binays, Nancy still sits in the Senate and Abby is inheritor of Makati, triumphant
over brother Jun-Jun in a bitter sibling rivalry. Jejomar, failing in his
presidential run in 2016 and in his congressional try in 2019.
So,
how many other political families were deprived of their long-held turfs in
2019 alone?
And
how many have survived, indeed, even enlarged their domain?
Come
easily to mind here: Duterte, Cayetano, Villar.
Which
only goes to show that dynasties rise and fall on their own merits, or lack
thereof. The people – enlightened and resolute – ultimately deciding their fate,
denying their perpetuity.
No,
I am not the least implying there’s no need for any anti-dynasty law.
I
am just leaning on the pragmatic side of things political here.